Afghan Taliban fighters pose on their military tank 25 kms north of Kabul. AFP
Afghan Taliban fighters pose on their military tank 25 kms north of Kabul. AFP

1995 - Taliban rise to power

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Updated 19 April 2025
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1995 - Taliban rise to power

1995 - Taliban rise to power
  • From madrassas to military dominance, the rise of the Taliban reshaped Afghanistan and the world

KABUL: The emergence of the Taliban in the mid-1990s reshaped the political and social landscape of Afghanistan. What began as a movement of religious students seeking to restore order in a war-torn country quickly morphed into an uncompromising force that dominated the country for five years before being ousted by a US-led invasion in 2001. 

The origins of the Taliban can be traced to the discontent that followed the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 after a decade of conflict. As warlords and other factions vied for control, Afghanistan descended into lawlessness and violence. 

The power vacuum left by Russia’s departure led to intense infighting among former mujahideen groups, particularly between factions loyal to regional warlords such as Burhanuddin Rabbani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. 

In response to this anarchy, students from madrassas (Islamic religious schools), many of whom had fought in the anti-Soviet jihad, began organizing themselves as the “Taliban,” the Pashto word for “students,” under the leadership of Mullah Mohammed Omar, an Islamic scholar. 

Inspired by a vision of strict Islamic governance, the Taliban emerged as a movement that promised to end the cycle of warlordism and corruption that had gripped Afghanistan. This commitment to law and order helped the Taliban rise to power in less than two years. 

How we wrote it




Arab News reported the Taliban’s takeover of Herat, delivering a major blow to President Burhanuddin Rabbani.

The movement first gained traction in southern Afghanistan, particularly in the provinces of Paktika, Ghazni and Zabul. Early supporters included traders and civilians who had suffered under the unchecked violence of local warlords. 

The group undertook their first significant military action in late 1994, when they captured key checkpoints between Helmand and Kandahar, an area plagued by lawlessness. 

A turning point came in October 1994 when the Taliban seized Spin Boldak, a key border town near Pakistan and close to Kandahar, which would become their power base in the years that followed. This victory provided them with financial resources and a strategic recruitment base, and madrassa students arrived in droves from Pakistan to join the movement. 

These students from seminaries in Pakistan played a crucial role in the capture of Kandahar on Nov. 15, 1994. The Taliban met with little resistance and their victory established the group as a formidable force, allowing them to expand their influence rapidly. 

By early 1995, the Taliban had taken the city of Ghazni and the province of Maidan Wardak as they moved ever-closer to Kabul. Their swift and ruthless military strategy allowed them to seize the Afghan capital on Sept. 27, 1996. Once in power, the Taliban declared Afghanistan an Islamic Emirate and implemented a strict interpretation of Shariah. 

Key Dates

  • 1

    Taliban attack a checkpoint near Kandahar, marking their first military engagement.

    Timeline Image Sept. 29, 1994

  • 2

    The group seize Kandahar, establishing a base for expansion.

    Timeline Image Nov. 15, 1994

  • 3

    Herat city, Afghanistan’s gateway to Iran, falls to the Taliban with little resistance from its governor, Ismail Khan of the Jamiat-e-Islami party.

  • 4

    Taliban capture Kabul and declare Afghanistan an Islamic Emirate.

    Timeline Image Sept. 26, 1996

  • 5

    Al-Qaeda attacks America.

    Timeline Image Sept. 11, 2001

  • 6

    US forces launch Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan.

    Timeline Image Oct. 7, 2001

  • 7

    Kandahar falls, marking the end of Taliban rule.

    Timeline Image Dec. 9, 2001

  • 8

    US forces withdraw from Afghanistan, clearing the way for Taliban’s return to power.

Between 1997 and 2000, they extended their rule over 90 percent of Afghanistan. Their governance was marked by extreme restrictions on the rights of women, public executions and the suppression of cultural heritage, culminating in the destruction in 2001 of two massive 6th-century Buddhist statues in central Afghanistan’s Bamiyan valley. 

By then, the Taliban’s rigid and ruthless ideology had alienated much of the international community. 

Although some argue the rise of the Taliban was entirely indigenous, external influences certainly played a part. 

The Pakistani government of the time, led by Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, viewed a stable Afghanistan as essential for regional trade. Bhutto publicly denied supporting the Taliban but admitted that ensuring stability in Afghanistan was a priority. “Whatever the people of Afghanistan decide is the best form of government for them, it will be acceptable to us,” she said. 

Her interior minister, Maj. Gen. Naseer Ullah Khan Babar, openly admitted that Pakistan supported the Taliban, referring to them as “my boys.” 

Amid the religious community, Maulana Sami Ul-Haq, one of Pakistan’s leading scholars, claimed to have contributed significantly to the Taliban movement. 

An analysis of his 2015 book, “Afghan Taliban: War of Ideology – Struggle for Peace,” reveals that while he denied allegations of providing military support or training, he proudly referred to himself as the “father of the Taliban.” He claimed that nearly 20,000 Afghan students graduated from his seminary over 50 years. 




Man from an aid-distribution team uses a stick to control crowd of Afghan women who gather to get relief in Kabul. AFP

“According to an estimate, about 90 percent of the Taliban in the Afghan government are graduates of Darul Uloom (the Islamic seminary he founded in northwestern Pakistan),” he wrote, adding: “It would not be wrong to say that (Darul Uloom) Haqqania is the nursery of the Taliban.” 

However, closer analysis of events — which were mostly documented as a first-hand account in the book “Taliban: A Critical History from Within,” written by Abdul Mutma’in, personal secretary to leader Mullah Omar — suggests that domestic conditions, primarily created by former warlords and Jihadi groups, along with the Taliban’s own military strategy and strength were the key factors in their rise to power. 

The Taliban’s first period of rule would be short-lived, however. Following the 9/11 attacks on the US in 2001, Washington issued an ultimatum demanding the extradition of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, who had been sheltered by the Taliban since 1996. The group refused, US troops invaded Afghanistan on Oct. 7, 2001, and the American-led coalition, in collaboration with the Northern Alliance, rapidly dismantled the Taliban’s military strongholds. 

By December 2001 Kandahar had fallen and the Taliban leadership, including Mullah Omar, were in hiding. A regime that rose so rapidly from the chaos of post-Soviet Afghanistan collapsed just as swiftly. 

Time, however, and patience were on the side of the Taliban. After two decades of conflict, the US grew weary of what had become its longest war, and in August 2021 it pulled out of the country, leaving the Taliban free to swiftly reclaim power. 

  • Naimat Khan is a Pakistani journalist based in Karachi with more than two decades of experience covering militancy, human rights and politics. He currently reports for Arab News. 


ICC seeks arrest of Taliban leaders over persecution of women

Updated 1 min 14 sec ago
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ICC seeks arrest of Taliban leaders over persecution of women

ICC seeks arrest of Taliban leaders over persecution of women
THE HAGUE: The International Criminal Court on Tuesday issued arrest warrants for two senior Taliban leaders, accusing them of crimes against humanity for persecuting women and girls.
Judges said there were “reasonable grounds” to suspect Taliban Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada and chief justice Abdul Hakim Haqqani of committing gender-based persecution.
“While the Taliban have imposed certain rules and prohibitions on the population as a whole, they have specifically targeted girls and women by reason of their gender, depriving them of fundamental rights and freedoms,” the court said in a statement.
The Taliban had “severely deprived” girls and women of the rights to education, privacy and family life and the freedoms of movement, expression, thought, conscience and religion, ICC judges said.
“In addition, other persons were targeted because certain expressions of sexuality and/or gender identity were regarded as inconsistent with the Taliban’s policy on gender.”
The court said the alleged crimes had been committed between August 15, 2021, when the Taliban seized power, and continued until at least January 20, 2025.
The ICC, based in The Hague, was set up to rule on the world’s worst crimes, such as war crimes and crimes against humanity.
It has no police force of its own and relies on member states to carry out its arrest warrants — with mixed results.
In theory, this means anyone subject to an ICC arrest warrant cannot travel to a member state for fear of being detained.
After sweeping back to power in August 2021, the Taliban authorities pledged a softer rule than their first stint in power from 1996 to 2001.
But they quickly imposed restrictions on women and girls that the United Nations has labelled “gender apartheid.”
Edicts in line with their interpretation of Islamic law handed down by Akhundzada, who rules by decree from the movement’s birthplace in southern Kandahar, have squeezed women and girls from public life.
The Taliban government barred girls from secondary school and women from university in the first 18 months after they ousted the US-backed government, making Afghanistan the only country in the world to impose such bans.
Authorities imposed restrictions on women working for non-governmental groups and other employment, with thousands of women losing government jobs — or being paid to stay home.
Beauty salons have been closed and women blocked from visiting public parks, gyms and baths as well as traveling long distances without a male chaperone.
A “vice and virtue” law announced last summer ordered women not to sing or recite poetry in public and for their voices and bodies to be “concealed” outside the home.
When requesting the arrest warrants in January, chief prosecutor Karim Khan said Afghan women and girls, as well as the LGBTQ community, were facing “an unprecedented, unconscionable and ongoing persecution by the Taliban.”
“Our action signals that the status quo for women and girls in Afghanistan is not acceptable,” he added.
Khan warned at the time he would soon be seeking additional warrants for other Taliban officials.

Pakistani Internet regulator, Meta join forces to tackle militancy in digital sphere

Pakistani Internet regulator, Meta join forces to tackle militancy in digital sphere
Updated 17 min 39 sec ago
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Pakistani Internet regulator, Meta join forces to tackle militancy in digital sphere

Pakistani Internet regulator, Meta join forces to tackle militancy in digital sphere
  • The two sides bring together experts from Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp as well as Pakistani government and law enforcement officials for a workshop
  • The event focused on Meta’s evolving policies to tackle militancy-related content and enhance cooperation between digital platforms, LEAs and regulators

ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) and Meta have organized a high-level workshop, titled “Counter-Terrorism in the Digital Age,” the PTA said on Tuesday, aiming to ensure safe use on online spaces.

The event brought together experts from Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp along with representatives from key Pakistani government institutions and law enforcement agencies (LEAs).

The workshop focused on Meta’s evolving policies for tackling militancy-related content and enhancing cooperation between digital platforms, LEAs and regulators, according to the PTA.

“Collaboration with global platforms like Meta is vital to prevent the misuse of online spaces by extremist elements,” PTA Chairman Hafeez-ur-Rehman said, reaffirming the PTA’s commitment to building a safer digital environment.

The development comes amid a surge in militancy in Pakistan’s western regions by religiously motivated groups like the Pakistani Taliban and Daesh as well as ethno-nationalist Baloch separatist groups.

Pakistani officials have in the past said that these militant groups also used social media platforms to “brainwash” and “recruit” people, including women, in their ranks to carry out attacks. Militant attacks in Pakistan more than doubled from 517 in 2023 to 1,099 in 2024.

Tuesday’s workshop was part of the PTA’s broader strategy to promote responsible online behavior and enhance national digital resilience, at which the participants discussed various mechanisms for complaint handling and content escalation, and engaged with Meta’s policy specialists on various topics.

“Joint efforts like this are key to creating safer digital spaces while upholding community standards and fundamental rights,” Meta’s Dangerous Organizations and Individuals (DOI) Policy lead Dr. Nawab Osman said.


Muslims overlooked with faith ‘ignored’ in UK care system, warns new report

Muslims overlooked with faith ‘ignored’ in UK care system, warns new report
Updated 9 min 3 sec ago
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Muslims overlooked with faith ‘ignored’ in UK care system, warns new report

Muslims overlooked with faith ‘ignored’ in UK care system, warns new report
  • Think tank Equi calls for child welfare reform to recognize faith identity and unlock support from British Muslim communities

LONDON: A new report from leading think tank Equi is warning that a crucial factor in the conversation around child welfare in the UK is being systematically overlooked: the role of faith.

The UK’s care system is facing a deepening crisis, with over 107,000 children currently in care and the number of available foster carers and adopters falling sharply.

In a landmark publication titled “Faith, Family and the Care System: A Missed Connection?”, Equi has argued that while ethnicity and culture are often factored into decisions about care placements, faith continues to be neglected, with damaging consequences for children’s emotional stability and sense of identity.

Drawing on polling conducted in partnership with Savanta, as well as interviews and case studies from across the UK, the report set out the urgent need for faith-literate reform of the child welfare system.

“Faith isn’t just a personal belief for many children, it’s a source of identity, resilience and stability. Our care system needs to reflect that,” said Prof. Javed Khan, one of the leading voices behind the report.

The research highlighted the experiences of British Muslim communities, showing that faith can play a powerful role in supporting vulnerable children, both by helping to prevent family breakdown and by fostering strong networks of informal and kinship-based care.

Despite making up 10 percent of under-18s in England, Muslim children account for less than 5 percent of those in care. It is a disparity Equi said reflected both strong community-based care and the challenges Muslim families face in engaging with the formal care system.

According to the findings, British Muslims are 66 percent more likely than the general public to provide informal care or financial support to children at risk of entering care.

Over 5,500 Muslim heritage children are currently in formal kinship care arrangements, with thousands more supported informally, a contribution estimated to save the state more than £220 million ($298 million) each year.

This strong culture of kinship care, rooted in Islamic teachings around the responsibility to care for orphaned children (“yateem”), is seen by the report authors as an underappreciated asset within the national care framework.

However, Equi said British Muslims who want to contribute more formally to the care system face significant barriers.

While members of the community are 63 percent more likely than the general population to consider fostering or adoption, nearly 60 percent report fears of discrimination.

Many point to cultural misunderstandings, bias in assessment processes and a lack of faith-sensitive placements as major deterrents.

Faith is also closely tied to children’s sense of self and well-being, the report argues.

More than 70 percent of British Muslims — and 40 percent of the wider public — said faith played a key role in shaping their identity during childhood.

Yet current government policy fails to take religious background into account during care placements, following the removal of faith matching guidance in 2014.

Equi links this omission to increased identity conflict, emotional distress and instability in care arrangements.

Young people from faith backgrounds leaving care are also highlighted as being especially vulnerable to isolation. The report calls for faith-based mentoring schemes and transitional housing to support care leavers as they navigate adulthood and reconnect with their communities.

In response to the findings, Equi called on the government to embed faith literacy throughout the care system.

Among its recommendations are recording children’s faith heritage in care records, incorporating religious identity into placement decisions, offering culturally sensitive therapeutic care, and working in partnership with faith-based charities to recruit and support carers.

The report also urges local authorities to expand fostering capacity, particularly for sibling groups and multigenerational households, and to ensure clear legal and financial guidance is provided to kinship carers.

“This report isn’t just about British Muslims, it’s about the 40 percent of children for whom faith is part of who they are,” said Khan.

“It’s not about bringing faith into policymaking in an ideological sense. But, rather, it’s a wake-up call that ignoring faith ignores people’s lived realities. It harms vulnerable children’s sense of belonging and increases instability in care placements. The system must become more inclusive, fair and ultimately more effective.”

With rising pressure on the UK’s care system and a shrinking pool of carers, Equi’s report presented a timely and compelling case for unlocking underused community resources and building a more resilient, culturally competent and cost-effective model of care, it said.


Over 10,000 Palestinians detained in Israeli jails, excluding Gazans in military confinement

Over 10,000 Palestinians detained in Israeli jails, excluding Gazans in military confinement
Updated 24 min 47 sec ago
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Over 10,000 Palestinians detained in Israeli jails, excluding Gazans in military confinement

Over 10,000 Palestinians detained in Israeli jails, excluding Gazans in military confinement
  • 3,629 Palestinians detained under administrative detention, a practice allowing Israeli authorities to hold individuals in prison without trial
  • Since the 1967 occupation, over 800,000 Palestinians have spent time in Israeli jails

LONDON: More than 10,000 Palestinians are currently held in Israeli prisons, the highest prisoner count since the Second Intifada in 2000, Palestinian prisoners’ advocacy groups reported on Tuesday.

As of early July, some 10,800 prisoners are said to be held in Israeli detention centers and prisons, including 50 women — two of whom are from the Gaza Strip — and over 450 children. The figures do not include individuals detained in Israeli military camps such as Sde Teiman, where many people from Gaza are believed to be held and subjected to torture.

A total of 3,629 Palestinians are currently detained under administrative detention, a practice that allows Israeli authorities to hold individuals in prison without trial for six months, which is subject to indefinite renewals.

A further 2,454 detainees are designated as “unlawful combatants,” including Palestinians and Arabs from Lebanon and Syria.

Since the 1967 occupation of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and East Jerusalem, over 800,000 Palestinians have spent time in Israeli jails, according to a UN report in 2023.


Israel military says struck Hamas militant in north Lebanon

People gather near a damaged car after the Israeli military said in a statement that it struck a “key” figure from Hamas.
People gather near a damaged car after the Israeli military said in a statement that it struck a “key” figure from Hamas.
Updated 27 min 58 sec ago
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Israel military says struck Hamas militant in north Lebanon

People gather near a damaged car after the Israeli military said in a statement that it struck a “key” figure from Hamas.
  • Israel has kept up strikes against Hezbollah despite the ceasefire
  • “A short while ago, the (Israeli military) struck a key Hamas terrorist in the area of Tripoli in Lebanon,” Israeli military said

JERUSALEM: Israel’s military said Tuesday it had struck a Hamas militant in the Lebanese city of Tripoli, in its first strike on the country’s north since a November ceasefire ended hostilities with Hezbollah.

“A short while ago, the (Israeli military) struck a key Hamas terrorist in the area of Tripoli in Lebanon,” the military said in a statement, without providing further details.

The military said earlier that it had killed two militants of the Lebanese armed movement Hezbollah in two separate attacks on southern Lebanon Monday.

It identified one of them as Ali Haidar, a local Hezbollah commander whom it said was involved in restoring militant infrastructure sites in the area.

Hezbollah’s clout has diminished after it emerged bruised from a conflict with Israel last year, fueled by Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza.

Israel, however, has kept up strikes against Hezbollah despite the ceasefire.

Israel said last week that it was “interested” in striking peace agreements with Lebanon and neighboring Syria.

The ceasefire aimed to end hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah after the Lebanese group launched a wave of cross-border attacks on northern Israel in solidarity with its Palestinian ally Hamas following its October 7, 2023 attack on Israel.