Biden’s cautious approach will not solve Middle East’s problems

Biden’s cautious approach will not solve Middle East’s problems

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US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is this week visiting the Middle East, meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, among others. The visit is focused on “maintaining the ceasefire, getting the assistance to the people who need it,” according to a State Department official. This is quite a modest target for an administration whose main tagline in foreign affairs is “America is back.” This ambitious narrative does not coincide with the behavior of President Joe Biden, especially when it comes to the Middle East. In this region, the US seems to be laying low, waiting for the turbulence to end — like the proverbial ostrich, the Biden administration is burying its head in the sand, waiting for the danger to go away.
This trend can be seen in the White House’s “Interim National Security Strategic Guidance” report, in which the Middle East was barely mentioned. Readers of this document, which was released in March, get the impression that the entire region has been reduced to the Iran nuclear file. This hands-off approach started with Barack Obama, was pursued by Donald Trump and now, unfortunately, is being followed by Biden. This trend goes beyond the personal preferences of each of these presidents — it reflects a general fatigue with the region’s problems and a rise in interest surrounding China and the South China Sea. It also reflects a false perception that, if the nuclear issue is solved, it will be easy to find solutions to the Middle East’s other problems. However, this ostrich approach is likely to increase turbulence, as the countries that feel threatened by Iran will take it upon themselves to craft and implement policies that counter Tehran’s aggression.
The recent Israeli attacks on Gaza demonstrate that the ostrich approach does not work. Even if the US tries to shield itself from the region’s problems, the problems will come back and haunt it. Biden did not make the Israel-Palestine issue a priority, thinking that it is too complicated to be solved. However, now that events are imposing themselves on the administration, it has been forced to take a position. The Biden administration sees itself being sucked into a conflict it sought to avoid. Handling the Israel-Palestine conflict is quite problematic, as the administration is divided on the issue. The progressive wing of the Democratic Party wants to see the end of occupation and a two-state solution. The traditional wing, of which Biden is a member, unconditionally supports Israel.

The attitude toward the recent conflict in Gaza summarizes the US administration’s attitude toward the region in general.

Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib

The Biden administration is also facing many social and economic problems domestically. The issue of racism is taking its toll on the cohesion of American society, while the economic problems that came with the coronavirus pandemic are also consuming the administration. Hence there is little attention left for foreign affairs, and the Middle East is not at the top of the list. Even at last week’s meeting between Blinken and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, the two agreed to cooperate on several issues, but the Middle East was not one of them, except for the Iranian nuclear program. Syria, Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen and Libya are all severe problems. However, they don’t seem severe enough to grab the attention of Biden and his team.
The attitude toward the recent conflict in Gaza summarizes the administration’s attitude toward the region in general: Doing the bare minimum that must be done just to maintain a role. Here we see that US ambitions on foreign policy are capped, with the aim being to keep problems under control rather than solving them. Even though Blinken mentioned that the Biden administration is committed to a two-state solution, we do not see any assertive attitude from the US to push for an agreement. Blinken vaguely mentioned that “conditions” should be met so that both sides can “engage in a meaningful and positive way toward two states.” What in practice does that mean? Is there an American plan to force Netanyahu, who has been avoiding even mentioning the notion of a Palestinian state, to agree to a two-state solution?
When it comes to the Middle East, the Biden administration does not seem to be seeking solutions. Instead it is trying to avoid making any decisions whose repercussions are unknown and whose results are not guaranteed. However, politics involves risk and any decision entails a certain amount of uncertainty. While Trump was faulted for being brash, Biden is way too cautious — to the point of alienation. Strangely enough, the Biden administration is facing some of the same criticisms that its predecessor faced: Some positions are still not filled and it is not functioning well. But Biden is no amateur politician, unlike Trump, who jumped from reality television to the White House. Biden is a real pro; he is a seasoned politician. While the previous administration suffered from the whims and impulsive character of the president, this administration suffers from a lack of action and indecisiveness.
The ostrich approach, whereby the US takes no decisions and just tries to wait problems out, also reflects badly on its partners, who will end up losing trust in Washington. One dangerous repercussion of this lack of trust is that they will take the threats surrounding them into their own hands. As Blinken was heading to Israel, Netanyahu warned that his country might take independent action against Iran. The last thing the region needs is a confrontation between Israel and Iran.
The ostrich should remove its head from the sand and realize that problems will not simply go away by ignoring them. On the contrary, they will come back and bite it.

Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib is a specialist in US-Arab relations with a focus on lobbying. She is co-founder of the Research Center for Cooperation and Peace Building, a Lebanese NGO focused on Track II. She is also an affiliate scholar with the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut.

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