Frankly Speaking: What will it take for Houthis to assist in demining Yemen?

01 | Saudi-Iran deal had no impact on Houthi action
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Updated 17 July 2023
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Frankly Speaking: What will it take for Houthis to assist in demining Yemen?

  • Saudi-Iran deal has ‘had no impact’ on Houthi behavior ‘at least when it comes to landmines,’ Masam MD says
  • Program has cleared over 400,000 items, including anti-personnel and anti-tank mines, of which 7,800 were improvised devices
  • Al-Gosaibi says UN funding of opaque Sanaa-led demining work is ‘a waste of time and money’

RIYADH: The normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran has so far failed to improve the behavior of the Houthi militia in relation to its use of landmines in Yemen, Ousama Al-Gosaibi, managing director of Masam, the Saudi Project for Landmine Clearance, has said.

He says he is optimistic about the Saudi-Iran deal, but as of yet there has been little impact of the agreement on landmine clearance in Yemen.

“I appreciate that Iran and Saudi Arabia have reached that accord. I think in the long run it should help the whole area and should reshape some of the relationships that exist in this area,” Al-Gosaibi told Katie Jensen in the latest episode of the Arab News “Frankly Speaking” show.

“How is that impacting mine action in Yemen? I don’t think we have seen any improvement on the issue of landmines in Yemen yet.”

Eight years have passed since the Iran-backed Houthis overthrew the internationally recognized government in Yemen, causing a war that has killed hundreds of thousands and created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. The country is littered with landmines as a result of the conflict.




Ousama Al-Gosaibi, managing director of Masam, the Saudi Project for Landmine Clearance, speaks to Katie Jensen in the latest episode of the Arab News “Frankly Speaking” show. (AN photo)

Often referred to as the perfect soldiers — never needing to eat, sleep, or ever leave their post — landmines can remain in the earth for years even after the end of hostilities, posing a lasting threat to civilians, particularly children, unless they are painstakingly cleared.

When Saudi Arabia and Iran signed their historic normalization deal, brokered by China, on March 10 this year, there were hopes that the Houthis, long armed and funded by Tehran, would cooperate with demining efforts.

But despite the Houthis being a signatory of the Stockholm Agreement, which requires them to hand over details of what explosives have been planted and detailed maps outlining where they are located, progress has failed to materialize.

“That has not happened to date,” said Al-Gosaibi. “So as far as our work is concerned, I have not seen any improvements.”

For Masam, the battle against landmines has been an uphill one. The movement of the front line over the course of the conflict has meant that areas once liberated by the Yemeni government and cleared by Al-Gosaibi’s teams have since been retaken and re-mined by Houthi forces.




Land-mine clearing experts at work in Yemen's battlefields. (Twitter: @Masam_ENG)

“We have cleared over 400,000 items. That includes mines, both anti-personnel and anti-tank. That includes a huge number of UXOs, unexploded ordnance, and an even huger number of improvised explosive devices,” he said.

“When you talk about the Masam project, (we) have cleared to date over 7,800 improvised devices such as rock mines in Yemen. This number did not exist anywhere else in the world. This number is mind-boggling. This has never ever happened anywhere else in the world.”

According to some estimates, Yemen is awash with more landmines than were used during the Second World War. Asked how many landmines have been planted in Yemen, Al-Gosaibi could offer only a ballpark figure, such is the paucity of data provided by the Houthis.

“I would say anywhere between 1 and 2 million mines. These are newly laid mines. I’m not taking into account mines that existed in Yemen prior to the Houthi problem.”

The Ottawa Treaty of 1997, often referred to as the Mine Ban Treaty, relates to anti-personnel mines, but does not refer to anti-tank mines. Al-Gosaibi says the Houthis have taken advantage of this grey area to create improvised explosive devices, or IEDs, using anti-tank mines.

“Instead of having an anti-tank (mine) that would explode at a weight of about over 120 or over 150 kilograms, they reduced it to less than 10 kilograms. That, if a child walks over those pressure plates, you won’t find anything left of him. So, you can imagine what would happen to a human if an anti-tank mine explodes next to him.

“But the problem is, to date, these improvised mines, the improvised IEDs, are not within the international community terminology. They have not found a terminology, but they have not come up with any rules or regulations that talk about them.”

Al-Gosaibi estimates that the number of people maimed and killed by landmines in Yemen over the course of the conflict is in the thousands. As there are several mine action groups working in different parts of Yemen, there is no single database on victims.

“There’s a stigma that’s always associated with mine accidents in Yemen,” said Al-Gosaibi. “You have women who’ve got divorced because they’ve lost a limb. A man who’s lost the ability to support a family of seven or eight because of a mine accident.

“The UN announced last week that more than half of the accidents that happened to children in Yemen are directly related to mines. That’s a huge number. Mines affect the education system, the medical system, water supplies, farmland, (grazing) land.”

And civilians are not the only ones in danger. Several members of Al-Gosaibi’s staff have been wounded or even killed while clearing landmines and explosive remnants.

“As far as Masam (is concerned), we have lost 30 of our comrades in Yemen, 47 injured, 30 fatalities. Some of them are extremely close friends that I’ve worked with for the past 18 years. So yes, we paid a high price in Yemen.”

Despite the international community’s efforts to ban the use of landmines, they remain in wide use in conflicts across the world owing to their powerful psychological impact and low cost to produce.

“To plant a mine is cheap. You’re talking tens of dollars,” said Al-Gosaibi. “(The) UN estimates that in clearing mines, each mine could cost anywhere between $500 to $1,000 to clear.

“So, there is no comparison between the cost of actually planting it and clearing it. The Houthis today are using locally manufactured mines. They are not importing mines. They have (received) assistance in creating their own factories.”

The UN has attempted to take a balanced approach to funding landmine clearance operations, not only in areas controlled by the internationally recognized government in Aden, but also within the Houthi administration in Sanaa.

Al-Gosaibi believes this approach is a waste of time and money, because the mine action work in Houthi-controlled areas lacks transparency and accountability.

“I don’t believe in holding the stick from the middle,” he said. “I don’t see the benefit of supporting a Sanaa-based mine action program when we know that the Houthis are behind planting, manufacturing all those mines and IEDs in Yemen.

“The UN has this policy that: ‘We need to hold the stick from the middle. We need to support Sanaa. We need to support Aden and Marib.’ I think it’s a waste of time and money.

“If you want to assist Yemenis, I don’t care who they are, who they belong to, north, south, Houthi, non-Houthi. I’m talking about if you want to assist the local population, there are proper ways of doing it.

“You can supervise proper mine action, demining teams under the Houthi-controlled areas, under your supervision. Like we are doing in our areas. We have a very close working relationship with the Yemeni Mine Action program. And it’s working.




Land-mine clearing is a tedious and dangerous job and and a never-ending one in Yemen's battlefields. (Twitter: @Masam_ENG)

“You should (see) over there. You know, that’s if you actually want to clear mines, not only pay and talk about (and say): ‘Oh, we have funded this and we’ve funded that.’

“Where’s the money going? I have not seen (where). Masam is the only project or entity in Yemen that announces their figures every Sunday morning. And those figures have been reviewed, rectified, notarized, you name it, whatever, by the Yemen Mine Action Center, by our own operational team before they are published every Sunday morning.”

Until the supply of components to the Houthis is halted, Al-Gosaibi believes landmines will only continue to proliferate in Yemen. That means Iran and its proxies in the region must cease arms trafficking.

“We know the chain is coming, financed by Iran, even though they’re coming from some other countries,” said Al-Gosaibi.

“Drones in Yemen had German-made engines in them. Who’s going to get German-made engines smuggled into Yemen? It cannot be a small organization. It has to be a proper government who has a lot of hands around the areas who can get that smuggled into Yemen.”




Masam landmine workers preparing to explode landmines cleared from a battlefield in Yemen. (Twitter: @Masam_ENG))

Six years since the Saudi Project for Landmine Clearance began work in Yemen, and despite remarkable progress, Al-Gosaibi feels there are still many years of work ahead before his team can declare “mission accomplished.”

He said: “I can only say that if there’s an absolute proper truce in Yemen and all the fronts are open and we are working there, then you could give an estimate (on how long). No one knows what’s on those fronts at the moment since we are not working on an active front.”

He hopes the Houthis will provide detailed maps of their minefields to assist with clearance efforts, as failing to do so would only prolong the threat posed to Yemeni civilians and mine clearers.

“It will just delay the problem, increase the number of victims, increase the number of mine action personnel (harmed) over the years to come.

“(Even) if you have proper funding, proper number of teams and proper information ... I would give it another 10 years.”

 


Israel’s Netanyahu aide faces indictment over Gaza leak

Updated 54 min 8 sec ago
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Israel’s Netanyahu aide faces indictment over Gaza leak

  • Netanyahu’s close adviser, Jonatan Urich, has denied any wrongdoing in the case which legal authorities began investigating in late 2024
  • The prime minister has described probes against Urich and other aides as a witch-hunt.

JERUSALEM: An aide to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces indictment on security charges pending a hearing, Israel’s attorney general said on Sunday, for allegedly leaking top secret military information during Israel’s war in Gaza.

Netanyahu’s close adviser, Jonatan Urich, has denied any wrongdoing in the case which legal authorities began investigating in late 2024. The prime minister has described probes against Urich and other aides as a witch-hunt.
Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara said in a statement that Urich and another aide had extracted secret information from the Israeli military and leaked it to German newspaper Bild. Their intent, she said, was to shape public opinion of Netanyahu and influence the discourse about the slaying of six Israeli hostages by their Palestinian captors in Gaza in late August 2024.

The hostages’ deaths had sparked mass protests in Israel and outraged hostage families, who accused Netanyahu of torpedoing ceasefire talks that had faltered in the preceding weeks for political reasons.
Netanyahu vehemently denies this. He has repeatedly said that Hamas was to blame for the talks collapsing, while the militant group has said it was Israel’s fault no deal had been reached.

Four of the six slain hostages had been on the list of more than 30 captives that Hamas was set to free were a ceasefire to be reached, according to a defense official at the time.

The Bild article in question was published days after the hostages were found executed in a Hamas tunnel in southern Gaza.
It outlined Hamas’ negotiation strategy in the indirect ceasefire talks and largely corresponded with Netanyahu’s allegations against the militant group over the deadlock.
Bild said after the investigation was announced that it does not comment on its sources and that its article relied on authentic documents.
A two-month ceasefire was reached in January this year and included the release of 38 hostages before Israel resumed attacks in Gaza. The sides are presently engaged in indirect negotiations in Doha, aimed at reaching another truce.


How unequal shelter access puts Israel’s Arab and Bedouin communities at greater risk

Updated 2 min 20 sec ago
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How unequal shelter access puts Israel’s Arab and Bedouin communities at greater risk

  • Decades of infrastructure neglect have left Arab and Bedouin areas without basic protections enjoyed by Jewish communities
  • Residents are calling for equal emergency planning, arguing that safety during conflict should be a right, not a privilege

LONDON: As Iranian rockets shook East Jerusalem in mid-June, Rawan Shalaldeh sat in the dark while her seven-year-old son slept. She had put him to bed early and hid her phone to prevent the constant alerts from waking him, hoping sleep would shield her child from the terror above.

“The bombing was very intense; the house would shake,” Shalaldeh, an architect and urban planner with the Israeli human rights and planning organization Bimkom, told Arab News.

While residents in nearby Jewish districts rushed into reinforced shelters, Shalaldeh and her family in the Palestinian neighborhood of Jabal Al-Zaytoun had nowhere to go.

Israelis gather in a underground shelter in Tel Aviv on June 24, 2025, after sirens sounded in several areas across the country after missiles were fired from Iran. (AFP/File)

“East Jerusalem has only about 60 shelters, most of them inside schools,” she said. “They’re designed for students, not for neighborhood residents. They’re not available in every area, and they’re not enough for the population.”

Her home is a 15-minute walk from the nearest shelter. “By the time we’d get there, the bombing would already be over,” she said.

Instead, her family stayed inside, bracing for the next strike. “We could hear the sound but couldn’t tell if it was from the bombs or the interception systems,” she recalled. “We couldn’t sleep. It was terrifying. I fear it will happen again.”

That fear is compounded by infrastructure gaps that make East Jerusalem’s residents more vulnerable. “Old homes in East Jerusalem don’t have shelters at all,” she said. “New homes with shelters are rare because it’s extremely hard to get a building permit here.”

Arab and Bedouin communities were left without basic protections enjoyed bytheir Jewish neighbors. (AFP)

Israeli law requires new apartments to be built with protected rooms. However, homes built without permits are unlikely to follow the guidelines, leaving most without safe space.

The contrast with West Jerusalem is stark. “There’s a big difference between East and West Jerusalem,” Shalaldeh said. “In the west, there are many shelters, and things are much easier for them.”

Indeed, a June 17 report by Bimkom underscored these disparities. While West Jerusalem, home to a mostly Jewish population, has about 200 public shelters, East Jerusalem, which is home to nearly 400,000 Palestinians, has just one.

Even where shelters do exist they are often inaccessible. The municipality’s website fails to clearly mark their locations, and many residents are unaware they exist. Some shelters even remain locked during emergencies — especially at night.

The report concluded that the current infrastructure is grossly inadequate, leaving most East Jerusalem residents without access to basic protection during attacks.

Men inspect the destruction to a home in the northern Arab-Israeli city of Tamra, on June 24, 2025, days after after an Iranian ballistic missile slammed into the neighborhood. (AFP)

Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem hold temporary residency IDs that lack any listed nationality and must be renewed every five years. Unlike Arab citizens of Israel — often referred to as “48 Arabs” — or residents of southern Israel, they do not have Israeli citizenship.

For many Palestinian and Arab citizens of Israel, the 12-day Israel-Iran war in June laid bare a deeper inequity — one that extends beyond conflict and into the fabric of everyday life.

“I haven’t spoken with any of my friends in the north yet, but I saw videos on Instagram,” Shalaldeh said. “Arab families tried to enter shelters and were prevented — because they’re Arab.”

The war, she said, exposed an uncomfortable truth for many Arab citizens of Israel. “After the war, many realized they’re not treated like Israelis — even though they have citizenship, work in Israel and speak Hebrew.”

This picture shows Bedouin shelters at Khirbat Khlayel near al-Mughayyir village, north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank on June 1, 2025. (AFP)

“There’s an Israeli policy that tries to blur their identity. But the war opened a lot of people’s eyes. It became clear they’re not equal, and the issue of shelters was shocking for many.”

One town where this inequity became alarmingly visible was Tira, a predominantly Arab community in central Israel with roughly 27,000 residents. Though well within the range of missile attacks, Tira lacks adequate public shelters.

“Most of the few shelters that exist are outdated, insufficient, or located far from residential areas,” Fakhri Masri, a political and social activist from Tira, told Arab News. “In emergencies, schools are often opened as temporary shelters, but they only serve nearby neighborhoods and can’t accommodate everyone.

“Many homes do not have protected rooms, and this leaves families, especially those with children or elderly members, extremely vulnerable.”

Israeli air defence systems are activated to intercept Iranian missiles over the Israeli city of Tel Aviv early on June 18, 2025. (AFP)

When sirens sounded during the attacks, panic set in. “It was the middle of the night,” Masri said. “Many of us had to wake our children, some still half asleep, and scramble for any kind of cover.

With official shelters scarce, families resorted to improvised solutions. “People ran into stairwells, lay on the ground away from windows, or tried to reach school shelters — if they were even open or nearby,” he said.

Others simply fled to their cars or huddled outdoors, hoping distance from buildings would offer some safety.

“It was chaotic, frightening, and it felt like we were left completely on our own,” Masri said. “The fear wasn’t just of rockets — it was also the fear of having no place to run to.”

Underlying this crisis, he argued, is a deeper pattern of state neglect. “Arab towns like Tira were never provided with proper infrastructure or emergency planning like Jewish towns often are,” he said. “That in itself feels like a form of discrimination.

Israeli police officers check the damage following a rocket attack from southern Lebanon that targeted the central Israeli-Arab city of Tira, on November 2, 2024. (AFP File)

“It makes you feel invisible — like our safety doesn’t matter. It’s a constant reminder that we’re not being protected equally under the same state policies.

“We are not asking for anything more than what every citizen deserves — equal rights, equal protection, and the right to live in safety and dignity. It is a basic human right to feel secure at our own home, to know that our children have somewhere safe to go during an emergency.”

Masri, who has long campaigned for equal emergency protections, called on the Israeli government to end discrimination in shelter planning.

“Treat Arab towns with the same seriousness and care as any other town,” he said. “We are people who want to live in peace. We want our children to grow up in a country where safety is not a privilege but a right — for everyone, Jewish and Arab alike.

“Until that happens, we will keep raising our voices and demanding fairness, because no one should be left behind.”

The picture is similar for the roughly 100,000 Bedouin who live across 35 unrecognized villages in the Negev and Galilee regions, often in makeshift homes that provide little protection. Many of these villages are near sensitive sites targeted by Iran.

A bedouin shepherd leads his flock atop his donkey in the hills near the city of Rahat in the north of Israel's Negev desert on August 28, 2024. (AFP)

One such village is Wadi Al-Na’am, the largest unrecognized village in Israel, home to about 15,000 Bedouin residents in the southern Negev desert.

“When we say unrecognized, it means we have nothing,” said Najib Abu Bnaeh, head of the village’s emergency team and a member of its local council. “No roads, no electricity, no running water — and certainly no shelters.

“During wars, people flee the villages. They hide in caves, under bridges — any place they can find.”

IN NUMBERS

250 Shelters built across Negev since Oct. 7, 2023 — half of them by the state.

60 School-based shelters in East Jerusalem, concentrated in select locations.

1 Public shelter in East Jerusalem.

200 Public shelters in West Jerusalem.

(Source: Bimkom)

After the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack on southern Israel, the army began installing a small number of shelters in unrecognized villages. But Abu Bnaeh said that these efforts have fallen short.

“In our village, they built two structures,” he said. “But they have no ceilings, so they don’t protect from anything.”

He estimates that more than 45,000 protective buildings are needed across all unrecognized villages.

Cars destroyed in a rocket attack allegedly fired from the Gaza strip are seen through a damaged window of a house in the village of Arara in the Negev Desert, a place residents say is constantly hit by rockets, on October 14, 2023. (AFP)

As the head of Wadi Al-Na’am’s emergency response team, Abu Bnaeh leads a group of 20 volunteers. Together, they assist residents during missile alerts, evacuating families to shelters in nearby townships such as Segev Shalom and Rahat, and delivering food and medicine.

“We train people how to take cover and survive,” he said. “We also help train teams in other villages how to respond to injuries, missiles and emergencies.

“The best way to protect people is simple. Recognize the villages. Allow us to build shelters.”

This picture shows a view of the Bedouin community of al-Auja west of Jericho in the Israel-occupied West Bank on March 16, 2025, which was attacked the previous week by Israeli settlers who reportedly stole sheep. (AFP)

Even recognized villages face issues. In Um Bateen, officially recognized in 2004, basic infrastructure is still missing.

“Although our village is recognized, we still don’t have electricity,” Samera Abo Kaf, a resident of the 8,000-strong community, told Arab News.

“There are 48 Bedouin villages in northern Israel. And even those recognized look nothing like Jewish towns nearby.”

Building legally is nearly impossible. “The state refuses to recognize the land we’ve lived on for generations,” she said. “So, we build anyway — out of necessity. But that means living in fear; of winter collapsing our roofs, or bulldozers tearing our homes down.”

Bedouins from the Zanun family, which is part of the Azazme tribe, eat a holiday meal after slaughtering one of their sheep on the first day of the Eid al-Adha holiday in their village of Wadi Naam, currently unrecognized by Israeli authorities, near the southern city of Beersheba in the Israeli Negev desert. (AFP/File)

Abo Kaf said that the contrast is obvious during her commute. “I pass Beer Sheva and Omer — trees, paved roads, tall buildings. It’s painful. Just 15 minutes away, life is so different.

“And I come from a village that is, in many ways, better off than others,” she added.

With each new conflict, the fear returns. “Israel is a country with many enemies — it’s no secret,” Abo Kaf said. “Every few years, we go through another war. And we Bedouins have no shelters. None.

Bedouins protest against the Israeli government's demolition of houses in the area, in the southern town of Beersheba, on June 12, 2025. (AFP)

“So not only are our homes at risk of demolition, but we also live with the threat of rockets. It’s absurd. It’s infuriating. If something doesn’t change, there’s no future.”

Michal Braier, Bimkom’s head of research, said that no government body had responded to its report, though many civil society organizations have supported its findings based on specific cases.

“There are stark protection gaps between high- and low-income communities,” she told Arab News. “And most Arab and Palestinian communities rank low on socio-economic indicators.

“This is a very neo-liberal planning and development policy that, by definition, leaves the weak behind.”
 

 


Turkiye’s Kurdish region finds it difficult to accept peace is at hand

Updated 13 July 2025
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Turkiye’s Kurdish region finds it difficult to accept peace is at hand

  • Conflict has caused 50,000 deaths among civilians and 2,000 among soldiers

HAKKARI, Turkiye: Southeast Turkiye, where the army has battled Kurdish militants for decades, is not yet convinced that lasting peace is at hand.

In a slickly managed ceremony recently held across the border in Iraq, members of the Kurdish rebel group PKK destroyed their weapons as part of a peace process underway with the Turkish state.

But on the streets and in the tea houses of Hakkari, a Kurdish-majority town some 50 kilometers from the Iraqi border, few people express much hope that the deadly conflict is over.

One tea drinker who was willing to speak asked not to be filmed. “We don’t talk about it,” he said.

The conflict has caused 50,000 deaths among civilians and 2,000 among soldiers, according to Turkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Mehmet Duman, a local, said: “The state must take a step” to match the symbolic operation to destroy PKK weapons in Iraq.

“Turkiye has won,” Erdogan said Saturday, a day after the PKK’s symbolic destruction of weapons signaling the start of the disarmament process. “Eighty-six million citizens have won,” he added.

While he has opened a peace process with the PKK, or Kurdistan Workers’ Party, he has also continued his crackdown on opposition parties.

The government has arrested hundreds of members of the CHP, a social-democratic, secular party. The main opposition force to Erdogan, it is rising in the polls.

Those arrested include the mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem Imamoglu, the party’s likely candidate in the next presidential elections, and the mayors of other major cities who took power when CHP made major gains in March 2024 local elections.

Accused of “corruption,” they deny the charges against them. The crackdown has also hit opposition media outlets, such as the Sozcu channel. 

On Saturday morning, before the plenary session of his AKP party, Erdogan sought to be reassuring.

“We know what we are doing. No one should worry, be afraid, or question anything. Everything we are doing is for Turkiye, for our future and our independence,” he insisted.

The PKK announced in May that it would disband and renounce armed conflict. The move came after PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, who has been imprisoned on an island near Istanbul since 1999, urged his group in February to convene a congress, and formally disband and disarm.

Ocalan renewed his call in a video message broadcast on Wednesday, saying, “I believe in the power of politics and social peace, not weapons.”

The PKK issued a statement from the fighters who were laying down their weapons, saying that they had disarmed “as a gesture of goodwill and a commitment to the practical success” of the peace process.

“We will henceforth continue our struggle for freedom, democracy, and socialism through democratic politics and legal means,” the statement said.

Turkish parliamentary Speaker Numan Kurtulmus said that the initial disarmament step had proceeded “as planned,” but cautioned that the process was far from complete.

“There’s still a long way to go in collecting many more weapons,” Kurtulmus said. “What matters is ending the armed era in a way that ensures weapons are never taken up again.”

The official noted that the Turkish parliament was close to setting up a commission to oversee the peace process.

Devlet Bahceli, Erdogan’s nationalist ally who initiated the peace process, welcomed the ceremony, saying it marks “historic developments that signal the end of a dark era.”


UAE, Turkish presidents reaffirm support for regional stability

Updated 13 July 2025
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UAE, Turkish presidents reaffirm support for regional stability

  • Al-Nahyan, Erdogan discuss regional, international issues in phone call
  • Talks reflect strong ties between Ankara, Abu Dhabi

LONDON: UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al-Nahyan discussed recent developments in the Middle East with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, on Sunday.

During a telephone call the leaders emphasized their countries’ commitment to supporting all efforts that promote peace and stability in the region, the Emirates News Agency reported.

They emphasized the need for improved coordination to tackle regional crises through dialogue and diplomacy, which they said was essential for achieving lasting peace and stability.

The call reflects the close ties and economic partnership between Ankara and Abu Dhabi and strong cooperation in various sectors.


Syrian Kurdish authorities reiterate call for autonomy after Damascus meeting

Updated 13 July 2025
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Syrian Kurdish authorities reiterate call for autonomy after Damascus meeting

  • The Kurdish administration said Syrians ‘have suffered for decades from a centralized’ regime and called for a decentralized and democratic system
  • The Kurds control vast swathes of territory in Syria’s north, including oil and gas fields

DAMASCUS: Syria’s Kurdish authorities called again on Sunday for a system of government that preserves a measure of their de facto autonomy, days after Damascus rejected “any form” of decentralization.
Mazloum Abdi of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) — the Kurdish administration’s de facto army — and interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa first struck an accord in March to integrate Kurdish institutions into the state, but its implementation has been held up by differences between the two parties.
The pair met again on Wednesday in the presence of a US envoy to discuss the stalled efforts, but Damascus afterwards reiterated its opposition to “any form of division or federalization,” and called for SDF fighters to be absorbed into the army.
In a statement Sunday, the Kurdish administration called “for a pluralistic democratic system, social justice, gender equality, and a constitution that guarantees the rights of all components” of society.
“Syrians have suffered for decades from a centralized system that monopolized power and wealth, suppressed local will, and dragged the country into successive crises,” it said.
“Today, we aspire to be effective partners in building a new Syria, a decentralized Syria that embraces all its people and guarantees their rights equally.”
The Kurds control vast swathes of territory in Syria’s north, including oil and gas fields.
Kurdish forces, with the support of a Washington-led coalition, played a vital role in the fight against the Daesh group in Syria, which ultimately led to the jihadist group’s territorial defeat.
In an interview with the channel Kurdistan 24 on Wednesday, US ambassador to Turkiye and special envoy to Syria Tom Barrack said that while he recognized the SDF’s role in the fight against the IS group, it had to accept the “reality” that “the only future path for them is Damascus.”